(NYT - Unpublished Op-Ed contribution)
Recent revelations show that the Bush administration has developed legal opinions which carefully define classes of persons and places (Guantanamo is essentially a sovereignty-free zone) outside the reach of the Geneva Conventions, as well as asserting a novel claim of ultimate authority (that the command-in-chief can do whatever he wants without restraint).
Although the administration claims the conclusions of such opinions were merely advisory, if the administration always intended to fully abide by the Conventions, then there would be no need to marshal dozens of lawyers from across multiple departments of the Bush administration to develop the legal framework for allowing exceptions to the Conventions. After all, the US government isn't a debating society or a law school assigning students to defend theoretical extreme positions for the sake of seeing how they develop the argument! Likewise, with the “war on terror” on-going, it would seem that there are far better places to utilize our resources than on hypotheticals.
Ashcroft's highly-parsed replies to congress that the administration hasn't broken any laws must also be read in the context of the lawyer that he is: the administration finding was that certain people weren't subject to the laws and treaties, therefore, in their reasoning, if they tortured any of those people it wasn't illegal, so no laws were broken! It doesn't answer the question of whether torture has been used, nor does it address the larger issue of the tone these analyses set from the top down that one can and should search for plausible excusability.
Well, we can wring our hands and try to shame the administration into respecting the spirit of these laws and treaties, but that will not be effective as that is not in the Bush team personality and is contrary to a decade of work by Cheney, Rumsfeld, Wolfstein et al to define a US presidency which can operate free of external oversight and have unfettered use of US force.
Fighting these legalisms is not only time-consuming, but extremely difficult as prisoners in Guantanamo Bay, for example, do not have access to US courts in order to make their case and the rest of us have trouble establishing that we have legal standing to sue on their behalf.
So who can work this through the court system we've been accustomed to using to resolve these issues?
This presents an excellent opportunity for a new president to convene an international assembly to update the Geneva convention in order to provide guidelines about the treatment of detainees, enemy combatants, etc., to define what happens when those who are captured by a signatory nation are transfered to other places and what, if any, changes to their treatment that allows, and to close the Guantanamo Bay loophole.
This new convening should address head-on the issues of how to treat insurgencies, terrorists and related perpetrators of violence in loosely organized groups, whether state-directed or independent movements, whether in uniform or not, as well as spies, and so forth.
Dealing with the claim that as Command-in-Chief, the President can do whatever he wants without oversight or restraint, and thus could ignore the Conventions anyway, clearly remains a key subject if the Conventions are to have any meaning. It is, however a subject for US constitutional resolution and thus a different venue to balance such a claim with the constitutional right that "Congress shall have the power … To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces.”